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59 Ibn al-Qalānisī, Ta⁠ʾrīkh, p. 510; idem, Damascus Chronicle, pp. 323–24. 60 This suggests that even as late as a mere seven years before Nūr al-Dīn’s takeover of Damascus, and despite their waning influence in the area, the rulers of Egypt still felt that their authority should be recognised in Damascus. It is striking that even after the takeover the Egyptians engaged in diplomacy with Nūr al-Dīn, continuing to seek to make their influence felt in the region, as an embassy from Egypt brought gifts for Nūr al-Dīn to Syria in Ramaḍān 553/October 1158, fighting its way through a Frankish force en route.

M. al-Ṭuʿma, 3 vols (Tehran, 1999). 26 On Saʿd b. ʿAlī al-Ḥaẓīrī see the introduction to his Lumaḥ al-mulaḥ, eds Y. ʿAbd al-ʿAẓīm & Ḥ. Naṣṣār, 2 vols (Cairo, 2007). 27 Blitz, esp. pp. 64–65. 28 Apart from its value as a compilation of sixth/twelfth century poetry and prose as considered representative by an expert contemporary, the Kharīda offers a wealth of autobiographical information on its author. ʿImād al-Dīn’s literary production was informed by, and may even have owed its existence to, a marked sense of his own and his family’s worth, especially that of his ‘martyred’ uncle, which, through ignorance and envy, was often underappreciated in both worth and merit.

66 Ibn al-Qalānisī, Ta⁠ʾrīkh, pp. 449–50; idem, Damascus Chronicle, pp. 274–75; idem, Damas, pp. 280–81. 67 Ibn al-Qalānisī, Ta⁠ʾrīkh, pp. 478–79; idem, Damascus Chronicle, pp. 296–97; idem, Damas, pp. 311–12. Ibn Al-qalānisī 27 restraint and concern for the welfare of the common people of Damascus, as well as using the story of the drought to subtly imply that Nūr al-Dīn enjoyed divine approval. Both the desire to avoid shedding Muslim blood and the theme of divine favour noted above make more obvious appearances elsewhere in Ibn al-Qalānisī’s depictions of Nūr al-Dīn.

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