By Edward Corse

A conflict for impartial Europe describes and analyses the forgotten tale of the British government's cultural propaganda association, the British Council, in its crusade to win the hearts and minds of individuals in impartial Europe in the course of the moment international conflict. The booklet attracts on a variety of formerly unused fabric from information from throughout Europe and personal memoirs to supply a different perception into the paintings of the top British artists, scientists, musicians and different cultural figures who travelled to Spain, Portugal, Sweden and Turkey at nice own hazard to advertise British lifestyles and idea in a time of warfare.

Edward Corse exhibits how the British Council performed a refined yet an important position in Britain's warfare attempt and attracts jointly the teachings of the British Council event to supply a brand new version of cultural propaganda.

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25 Rex Leeper collated the evidence from the D’Abernon Report and made the case for increasing the grant for cultural activities to support British commercial interests, 22 A Battle for Neutral Europe and to counter the ‘aggressive propaganda of other countries’, to the Labour Foreign Secretary Arthur Henderson. Henderson in turn approached the Treasury for £10,000 per annum – a significant increase on that £10 previously allowed, though still minute compared with the expenditure of France, Germany and Italy.

First, propaganda had become a dirty word during and particularly soon after the war, largely because of the spread of atrocity stories during the war period which turned out not to be true – exposed more fully by Lord Ponsonby in 1926. Second, there was a lack of money, and a seemingly less urgent need, to spend money on propaganda of any type, when Britain had spent so much of its wealth on winning the war. 20 For the Foreign Office, a raw disparity of funding between French, Italian, German and British cultural propaganda was obvious.

But, overall, the work of Wellington House was deemed successful, at least by the Foreign Office, and the reforms enacted by Beaverbrook were, in effect, too late to make any impact on the part Wellington House played on influencing the United States to enter the war. As Taylor stated In sharp contrast to the methods employed in 1918 [by Beaverbrook’s Ministry], direct mass activity was not considered to be an effective approach [by the Foreign Office]. 16 Outside the realms of direct wartime propaganda, First World War also prompted British policymakers in Government to examine the state of Britain’s reputation at a cultural level in foreign countries more generally.

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